IHRC Press Releases
- 21 October, 2007
- Submission on the Immigration Bill
- 16 October, 2007
- Sanctions needed to punish brutal junta
- 9 October, 2007
- Time for West Papua to come in from the cold at the Pacific Islands Forum
- 04 October, 2007
- Letter re: Super Funds and Burma
- 4 October, 2007
- Super Fund puts profits before people
- 22 August, 2007
- Government should ban Kwila imports now - not when it is extinct
- 21 August, 2007
- Australian Coalition of West Papua Support Groups
- 17 April, 2007
- Save West Papua's rainforests - stop importing Kwila
- 18 April, 2007
- NZers help destroy West Papua's precious rain forests
- 12 February, 2007
- Censorship at the Asia Pacific Festival
- 12 December, 2006
- New Zealand now proposes to play its part in getting to the truth about the journalists deaths
- November 29, 2006
- West Papua flag to be raised in Auckland on Independence Day December 1: 12 noon
- March 20, 2006
- West Papua in deep crisis: New Zealand Government should take action to help prevent further deaths
- February 3, 2006
- The East Timor Commission for Reception Truth and Reconciliation calls for reparations - New Zealand must apologise for its sins and pay up
- January 18, 2006
- Letter to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Winston Peters
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The Clerk
Transport and Industrial Relations Select Committee
Parliament Buildings
Wellington
Submission to the Transport and Industrial Relations Select Committee on the Immigration Bill
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee has major concerns about many aspects of this proposed legislation. We believe that this bill represents a step backwards in terms of New Zealand's commitments to civil liberties and the rights of refugees and asylum seekers.
We would like the opportunity to be heard in person in Auckland at which time we may have more detailed representations to make.
We would like to outline the key concerns we have:
1. Part 7 Clause 193 : A new Immigration and Protection Tribunal is proposed to replace the existing four independent appellate bodies by combining them into one tribunal. However, we believe that each of the bodies to be scrapped, the Residence Review Board, the Refugee Status Appeals Authority, the Deportation Review Tribunal and the Removal Review Authority has developed specialist expertise and we fear that the new Tribunal will not fully replicate the functions of the former bodies. In particular we note that refugee law is a very specialised area of law and we are concerned that the new Tribunal, with its broad mandate, will not be able to develop this requisite expertise. For example when determining refugee status it is necessary for those making the decisions to have extensive, reliable and up to date information about international politics and the political and human rights circumstances pertaining in the countries which engender flows of refugees.
The Refugee Status Appeals Authority has earned international respect for its thorough and independent decision making processes.
We are also concerned that the proposed new single Tribunal system will not include the checks and balance that ensure that those seeking refugee status are assured of fairness and a chance to ensure that their claims are not jeopardised by factors outside their control. The Residence Review Board in 2006 for example allowed over 40 % of the appeals it heard. In recent years the average percentage of appeals granted by the Refugee Status Appeals Authority has been around 25%.
2. We are concerned that the definition of security (Part 1 Clause 4) is to become much broader and will even include the concept of having an "adverse impact on New Zealand's international well-being, reputation, or economic well-being." We believe this definition is highly subjective and open to interpretation.
We recall that in Indonesia open criticism of the Government or of the head of state has in the past been considered subversive and damaging to Indonesia's reputation. Although some controversial clauses in the Indonesia criminal code have recently been withdrawn, it is still the case that many individuals are held in detention for raising a banned flag or engaging in peaceful union activities.
We are strongly opposed to any law in this country which could lead to the criminalisation of dissent.
3. Powers of detention : We are opposed to the extension of the powers of detention to immigration officers who under this proposed legislation would be able to detain individuals at the airport for up to four hours.
We also note the new provisions for granting the Police powers to detain people for up to 96 hours without a warrant of Commitment.
We believe that such extensions of the periods and powers of detention are contrary to the norms and principles of international law which state that there should be a presumption against detention particularly for asylum seekers.
4. Advance Passenger processing: We are concerned about the practice of advance passenger processing and its impact on the rights of access of asylum seekers to New Zealand. We understand that the intention of the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention (to which New Zealand is a signatory) is to ensure that people who are fleeing from persecution in their country of origin have the opportunity to seek protection and sanctuary in another part of the world. The Refugee Convention affirms the principle that all human beings shall enjoy "fundamental rights and freedoms without discrimination."
We fear that the process of imposing sanctions on airlines which carry people who lack complete or validated documentation could jeopardise the rights of potential asylum seekers to travel to this country to seek our protection.
We urge that these practices be reviewed in the light of the fact that elsewhere (Part 5 Clause 117 and Schedule 1) the proposed legislation does enshrine the United Nations Refugee Convention.
5. The use of secret and classified information: (Part1:Clause 5 )We note that the legislation proposes to allow the use of a very broad range of classified or secret information in the process of determining refugee and migrant claims. It is inherently unjust to be required to defend oneself against allegations which you are not fully informed about.
The proposed legislation widens the scope of classified information which may now be used and gives power to the Chief Executive of any Government agency to classify information. Thus this broad definition could include information from WINZ , Police or the Immigration Services. Information held in these files would not be subject to scrutiny and so an applicant may easily be condemned by false information supplied by a person with ill-will towards him or her.
In the determination of refugee and immigration cases much of the relevant information is sourced from overseas from countries that people have lived in or visited. We understand that under this legislation it is possible for overseas agencies (including postal or customs departments) to determine that information they provide must be kept confidential from an applicant and from that person's lawyer.
We do not believe that introduction of a special advocate system (Part 7, Clause 235-239) will alleviate these concerns about secret and classified information. The proposed special advocate will be a lawyer appointed by the state and he is not to be permitted to "contact" his client after he has seen the secret evidence. Thus there is to be no opportunity for the secret information to be put in another context or corrected.
At the very least where classified information is used in a refugee or migrant determination situation, the person concerned and their lawyer should have access to a summary of the information held.
There have been cases where people who share the same or a similar name to a terror suspect have been detained or denied entry to a country. We would be very concerned if a person in this predicament was prevented from putting matters right because of the use of secret information.
We are particularly concerned that people can be detained on the basis of evidence held in secret and that the Court will be required to treat this secret information as accurate. This will lead to a Kafka like world where full and unchallenged power will be given to the officials who make the decisions to classify information.
6. Protected persons: The definition of a 'protected person' (Part 5 Clause 122b) is to include persons who do not come under the terms of the Refugee Convention but who still face torture, or arbitrary deprivation of life or other cruel treatment in their homeland.
In this legislation the 'protected persons' category is to be limited by a clause which makes provision for protection to be denied if "torture, arbitrary deprivation of life, or cruel treatment" are generally faced by other persons in their country.
We are mindful that in West Papua at present there is a general situation of fear and oppression affecting the general population - this includes death threats directed at human rights defenders, and credible allegations of torture and killings at the hands of the security forces. Military sweeping operations in the remote Highlands have led to the forced displacement of thousands of people. It is possible that under this new definition of a 'protected person', a West Papuan appealing for help in New Zealand would be denied protection, as he or she could be said to live with the same threats as others in West Papua.
The potential outcome if this tightly restricted definition of a 'protected' person is followed is that that New Zealand will turn its back on highly vulnerable persons and send them home regardless of the risks to their lives.
6. Biometric Information: (Part 2 Clause 29) We share the concerns of many other human rights groups about the proposed use of biometric information such as bone density tests and iris scans. We believe that these methods raise fundamental privacy concerns, and sets New Zealand on a course to become a surveillance society.
We note that the objectives of the Immigration Bill include the intention to secure compliance with 'New Zealand's immigration-related international obligations'. However, we respectfully submit that the Bill's provisions will effectively impose major barriers and restrictions on those who need to seek New Zealand's protection as refugees or asylum seekers. We do not believe that these restrictions are in keeping with New Zealand's international human rights obligations or the claim that New Zealand wishes to be a good 'global citizen'.
Maire Leadbeater
(For the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
Submission on the Immigration Bill
21 October, 2007The Clerk
Transport and Industrial Relations Select Committee
Parliament Buildings
Wellington
Submission to the Transport and Industrial Relations Select Committee on the Immigration Bill
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee has major concerns about many aspects of this proposed legislation. We believe that this bill represents a step backwards in terms of New Zealand's commitments to civil liberties and the rights of refugees and asylum seekers.
We would like the opportunity to be heard in person in Auckland at which time we may have more detailed representations to make.
We would like to outline the key concerns we have:
1. Part 7 Clause 193 : A new Immigration and Protection Tribunal is proposed to replace the existing four independent appellate bodies by combining them into one tribunal. However, we believe that each of the bodies to be scrapped, the Residence Review Board, the Refugee Status Appeals Authority, the Deportation Review Tribunal and the Removal Review Authority has developed specialist expertise and we fear that the new Tribunal will not fully replicate the functions of the former bodies. In particular we note that refugee law is a very specialised area of law and we are concerned that the new Tribunal, with its broad mandate, will not be able to develop this requisite expertise. For example when determining refugee status it is necessary for those making the decisions to have extensive, reliable and up to date information about international politics and the political and human rights circumstances pertaining in the countries which engender flows of refugees.
The Refugee Status Appeals Authority has earned international respect for its thorough and independent decision making processes.
We are also concerned that the proposed new single Tribunal system will not include the checks and balance that ensure that those seeking refugee status are assured of fairness and a chance to ensure that their claims are not jeopardised by factors outside their control. The Residence Review Board in 2006 for example allowed over 40 % of the appeals it heard. In recent years the average percentage of appeals granted by the Refugee Status Appeals Authority has been around 25%.
2. We are concerned that the definition of security (Part 1 Clause 4) is to become much broader and will even include the concept of having an "adverse impact on New Zealand's international well-being, reputation, or economic well-being." We believe this definition is highly subjective and open to interpretation.
We recall that in Indonesia open criticism of the Government or of the head of state has in the past been considered subversive and damaging to Indonesia's reputation. Although some controversial clauses in the Indonesia criminal code have recently been withdrawn, it is still the case that many individuals are held in detention for raising a banned flag or engaging in peaceful union activities.
We are strongly opposed to any law in this country which could lead to the criminalisation of dissent.
3. Powers of detention : We are opposed to the extension of the powers of detention to immigration officers who under this proposed legislation would be able to detain individuals at the airport for up to four hours.
We also note the new provisions for granting the Police powers to detain people for up to 96 hours without a warrant of Commitment.
We believe that such extensions of the periods and powers of detention are contrary to the norms and principles of international law which state that there should be a presumption against detention particularly for asylum seekers.
4. Advance Passenger processing: We are concerned about the practice of advance passenger processing and its impact on the rights of access of asylum seekers to New Zealand. We understand that the intention of the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention (to which New Zealand is a signatory) is to ensure that people who are fleeing from persecution in their country of origin have the opportunity to seek protection and sanctuary in another part of the world. The Refugee Convention affirms the principle that all human beings shall enjoy "fundamental rights and freedoms without discrimination."
We fear that the process of imposing sanctions on airlines which carry people who lack complete or validated documentation could jeopardise the rights of potential asylum seekers to travel to this country to seek our protection.
We urge that these practices be reviewed in the light of the fact that elsewhere (Part 5 Clause 117 and Schedule 1) the proposed legislation does enshrine the United Nations Refugee Convention.
5. The use of secret and classified information: (Part1:Clause 5 )We note that the legislation proposes to allow the use of a very broad range of classified or secret information in the process of determining refugee and migrant claims. It is inherently unjust to be required to defend oneself against allegations which you are not fully informed about.
The proposed legislation widens the scope of classified information which may now be used and gives power to the Chief Executive of any Government agency to classify information. Thus this broad definition could include information from WINZ , Police or the Immigration Services. Information held in these files would not be subject to scrutiny and so an applicant may easily be condemned by false information supplied by a person with ill-will towards him or her.
In the determination of refugee and immigration cases much of the relevant information is sourced from overseas from countries that people have lived in or visited. We understand that under this legislation it is possible for overseas agencies (including postal or customs departments) to determine that information they provide must be kept confidential from an applicant and from that person's lawyer.
We do not believe that introduction of a special advocate system (Part 7, Clause 235-239) will alleviate these concerns about secret and classified information. The proposed special advocate will be a lawyer appointed by the state and he is not to be permitted to "contact" his client after he has seen the secret evidence. Thus there is to be no opportunity for the secret information to be put in another context or corrected.
At the very least where classified information is used in a refugee or migrant determination situation, the person concerned and their lawyer should have access to a summary of the information held.
There have been cases where people who share the same or a similar name to a terror suspect have been detained or denied entry to a country. We would be very concerned if a person in this predicament was prevented from putting matters right because of the use of secret information.
We are particularly concerned that people can be detained on the basis of evidence held in secret and that the Court will be required to treat this secret information as accurate. This will lead to a Kafka like world where full and unchallenged power will be given to the officials who make the decisions to classify information.
6. Protected persons: The definition of a 'protected person' (Part 5 Clause 122b) is to include persons who do not come under the terms of the Refugee Convention but who still face torture, or arbitrary deprivation of life or other cruel treatment in their homeland.
In this legislation the 'protected persons' category is to be limited by a clause which makes provision for protection to be denied if "torture, arbitrary deprivation of life, or cruel treatment" are generally faced by other persons in their country.
We are mindful that in West Papua at present there is a general situation of fear and oppression affecting the general population - this includes death threats directed at human rights defenders, and credible allegations of torture and killings at the hands of the security forces. Military sweeping operations in the remote Highlands have led to the forced displacement of thousands of people. It is possible that under this new definition of a 'protected person', a West Papuan appealing for help in New Zealand would be denied protection, as he or she could be said to live with the same threats as others in West Papua.
The potential outcome if this tightly restricted definition of a 'protected' person is followed is that that New Zealand will turn its back on highly vulnerable persons and send them home regardless of the risks to their lives.
6. Biometric Information: (Part 2 Clause 29) We share the concerns of many other human rights groups about the proposed use of biometric information such as bone density tests and iris scans. We believe that these methods raise fundamental privacy concerns, and sets New Zealand on a course to become a surveillance society.
We note that the objectives of the Immigration Bill include the intention to secure compliance with 'New Zealand's immigration-related international obligations'. However, we respectfully submit that the Bill's provisions will effectively impose major barriers and restrictions on those who need to seek New Zealand's protection as refugees or asylum seekers. We do not believe that these restrictions are in keeping with New Zealand's international human rights obligations or the claim that New Zealand wishes to be a good 'global citizen'.
Maire Leadbeater
(For the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
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New Zealand has strongly condemned the Myanmar military junta's brutal crackdown, but words are not enough.
Aung San Suu Kyi and the pro-democracy movement have been calling for foreign companies not to invest in Myanmar - formerly Burma - because of the role foreign investment plays in perpetuating the dictatorship.
Given its totalitarian hue, the regime either directly controls or takes a cut from most economic activity. So you can't do business with the country without doing business with the regime.
The New Zealand Government downplays its bilateral links with Myanmar and emphasises that imports and exports are not on a large scale. While this is true, we should stop importing Myanmar's products - especially furniture made from rainforest teak, which is prevalent in Auckland.
It is important also to look below the surface at New Zealand's full range of links with Myanmar, which effectively serve to legitimise the regime.
As a Dialogue Partner, New Zealand has a substantive relationship with the 10 Asean nations, including Myanmar.
Motivated by prospects of trade advantages and perceived regional security advantages, New Zealand has been content to overlook Asean's dark side - its member nations' woeful lack of commitment to human rights.
Take Indonesia for example. There has been no accounting for the military's crimes in East Timor, but defence ties have recently been resumed.
The Asean relationship engenders some sharp ironies. While Myanmar Government officials can access New Zealand aid to come here to learn English, political prisoners are cruelly punished if they are found in possession of an English dictionary.
As a Dialogue partner, New Zealand is assigned an Asean member buddy or co-ordinator, and for the period 2006-2009 our co-ordinator is Myanmar-Burma. So our diplomats have direct channels to their counterparts in that country, and jointly hosted meetings are on the schedule for later in the year.
Last May, 10 Myanmar religious leaders were treated to a lavish welcome as guests at the Waitangi Interfaith Dialogue meeting called Building Bridges. If the leaders took back a message of religious tolerance, it clearly went unheeded.
Latest reports, smuggled from the country, describe monks being disrobed, beaten, imprisoned and even killed for their role in peaceful protests.
Perhaps the most egregious links of all are the New Zealand Superannuation Fund investments in the French oil giant Total and other Asian oil companies which have operations in Myanmar.
Total has a joint venture project with the regime to develop an offshore gas field in the Andaman Sea and pipe the gas over 60 kilometres to Thailand.
Total, the fourth largest oil company in the world, has been a focus of campaigns around the world since it began business in Myanmar in 1992. According to Aung San Suu Kyi, Total is the key financial mainstay of the regime.
The exploitation of natural gas is Myanmar's largest source of export earnings, and these foreign dollars account for the regime's ability to purchase sophisticated military equipment.
The New Zealand Super Fund, which invests over $18 million of our taxpayer funds in Total, has attracted controversy for investments in so-called sin stocks. These include nuclear weapons manufacturers and mining giants such as Freeport McMoran which is laying waste to mountains, forests and wetlands in West Papua.
I recently led a delegation of non-governmental organisations to meet representatives of the Super Fund's board and executive staff. They told us that the Super Fund is committed to the international principles for responsible investment as set out in a UN Global Compact.
But these principles state that businesses should support internationally proclaimed human rights, and take a precautionary approach to environmental challenges.
However, the crucial issue right now is sanctions. Other countries, including France, are calling for an end to investments in Myanmar, so New Zealand should play its part and help to cut off the lifeblood of a brutal regime. When they are implemented on an international scale, economic sanctions do make a difference (note how the economic sanctions imposed on South Africa forced the abandonment of apartheid by cutting off the regime's economic lifeblood).
Time is running out. New Zealand should review its ties to Myanmar immediately and impose effective and comprehensive sanctions on the junta.
Sanctions needed to punish brutal junta
16 October, 2007New Zealand has strongly condemned the Myanmar military junta's brutal crackdown, but words are not enough.
Aung San Suu Kyi and the pro-democracy movement have been calling for foreign companies not to invest in Myanmar - formerly Burma - because of the role foreign investment plays in perpetuating the dictatorship.
Given its totalitarian hue, the regime either directly controls or takes a cut from most economic activity. So you can't do business with the country without doing business with the regime.
The New Zealand Government downplays its bilateral links with Myanmar and emphasises that imports and exports are not on a large scale. While this is true, we should stop importing Myanmar's products - especially furniture made from rainforest teak, which is prevalent in Auckland.
It is important also to look below the surface at New Zealand's full range of links with Myanmar, which effectively serve to legitimise the regime.
As a Dialogue Partner, New Zealand has a substantive relationship with the 10 Asean nations, including Myanmar.
Motivated by prospects of trade advantages and perceived regional security advantages, New Zealand has been content to overlook Asean's dark side - its member nations' woeful lack of commitment to human rights.
Take Indonesia for example. There has been no accounting for the military's crimes in East Timor, but defence ties have recently been resumed.
The Asean relationship engenders some sharp ironies. While Myanmar Government officials can access New Zealand aid to come here to learn English, political prisoners are cruelly punished if they are found in possession of an English dictionary.
As a Dialogue partner, New Zealand is assigned an Asean member buddy or co-ordinator, and for the period 2006-2009 our co-ordinator is Myanmar-Burma. So our diplomats have direct channels to their counterparts in that country, and jointly hosted meetings are on the schedule for later in the year.
Last May, 10 Myanmar religious leaders were treated to a lavish welcome as guests at the Waitangi Interfaith Dialogue meeting called Building Bridges. If the leaders took back a message of religious tolerance, it clearly went unheeded.
Latest reports, smuggled from the country, describe monks being disrobed, beaten, imprisoned and even killed for their role in peaceful protests.
Perhaps the most egregious links of all are the New Zealand Superannuation Fund investments in the French oil giant Total and other Asian oil companies which have operations in Myanmar.
Total has a joint venture project with the regime to develop an offshore gas field in the Andaman Sea and pipe the gas over 60 kilometres to Thailand.
Total, the fourth largest oil company in the world, has been a focus of campaigns around the world since it began business in Myanmar in 1992. According to Aung San Suu Kyi, Total is the key financial mainstay of the regime.
The exploitation of natural gas is Myanmar's largest source of export earnings, and these foreign dollars account for the regime's ability to purchase sophisticated military equipment.
The New Zealand Super Fund, which invests over $18 million of our taxpayer funds in Total, has attracted controversy for investments in so-called sin stocks. These include nuclear weapons manufacturers and mining giants such as Freeport McMoran which is laying waste to mountains, forests and wetlands in West Papua.
I recently led a delegation of non-governmental organisations to meet representatives of the Super Fund's board and executive staff. They told us that the Super Fund is committed to the international principles for responsible investment as set out in a UN Global Compact.
But these principles state that businesses should support internationally proclaimed human rights, and take a precautionary approach to environmental challenges.
However, the crucial issue right now is sanctions. Other countries, including France, are calling for an end to investments in Myanmar, so New Zealand should play its part and help to cut off the lifeblood of a brutal regime. When they are implemented on an international scale, economic sanctions do make a difference (note how the economic sanctions imposed on South Africa forced the abandonment of apartheid by cutting off the regime's economic lifeblood).
Time is running out. New Zealand should review its ties to Myanmar immediately and impose effective and comprehensive sanctions on the junta.
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The Indonesia Human Rights Committee is urging the New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark to advocate for the people of West Papua at the Pacific Islands Forum when it meets next week. This appeal is backed by other NGOs, including Pax Christi. Peace Movement Aotearoa and Christian World Service.
West Papuan people look to New Zealand to take a stand on their behalf in the light of our close cultural links to the Pacific and past peace initiatives.
IHRC has also written individually to each of the 16 Pacific Island Forum leaders urging that West Papuan representatives be given observer status at the Forum and calling for a human rights fact-finding mission to West Papua.
"It is way past time for West Papua to have a seat at the Forum table. It is great that other new observers are being accepted, such as East Timor, Tokelau and the French territories of New Caledonia and French Polynesia. But why no welcome mat for the West Papuans who are so much in need of regional support and so clearly part of the Pacific in terms of geography, history, culture and ethnicity."
"Tragically, the Forum representations made about West Papua in 2006 have not been heeded. Repressive tactics continue and people and organisations who actively support human rights or political change are subject to surveillance, threats and harassment by the Indonesian security forces."
"Access to West Papua is tightly constrained and the few foreign journalists who visit are tightly monitored and constrained by the Security Forces. The Jayapura military commander Col. Burhanuddin Siagian, who has been indicted for crimes against humanity in East Timor, threatens to 'destroy' Supporters of independence."
"The granting of observer status would give new visibility to the West Papuan issue and could well pave the way for the Forum to serve as an honest broker or mediator between the West Papuan people and the Indonesian Government."
Rt Hon Helen Clark,
Prime Minister ,
Parliament Buildings,
Wellington.
5 October, 2007
Dear Helen Clark,
The letter that follows has been sent to each Pacific Islands Forum leader. We believe that you have played a positive role in the past on behalf of West Papua at the Pacific Islands Forum, so we make a particular call to you as our Prime Minister. West Papuan people need your support and advocacy more than ever.
We are deeply concerned about the deteriorating human rights situation in West Papua and urge you and the other Pacific Island Heads of State to make this issue a priority in your deliberations.
We recall that at last year's Forum the Official Communiqu� called on all parties to protect and uphold the rights of all West Papuan people and to seek to address the root causes of violence by peaceful means. The Communiqu� also urged the Indonesian authorities to bring to justice the perpetrators of serious crimes in the Province of Papua.
Tragically, there is little indication that the Indonesian authorities have heeded these representations. As you will be aware United Nations Special Representative Hina Jilani
visited West Papua last June. In her report she expressed concern about reports of incidents that involve arbitrary detention, torture, harassment through surveillance, interference with freedom of movement and in defenders' efforts to monitor and investigate human rights violations. She was also informed of cases where human rights defenders were threatened with prosecution by members of the police and the military and it is alarming that some of those who met with Hina Jilani are reporting new instances of harassment.
We believe that the military in West Papua uses repressive tactics in a systematic way against individuals and organisations that support human rights and political change. Many believe that the security forces were behind recent so called "mysterious" deaths of young people whose badly beaten bodies were found in the street. It is difficult to obtain verified information about these abuses as West Papua remains largely cut off from the outside world and so far any journalist's visit has been very tightly monitored by the security forces.
From West Papuan representatives, including Church and Tribal leaders, there are repeated calls for dialogue but military commanders such as Col. Burhanuddin Siagian, the current Commander of the Jayapura sub-regional military command (Korem 172), rely instead on threats to maintain control. Col Siagian who has been indicted twice for crimes against humanity in East Timor, has stated that "If I meet anyone who has enjoyed the facilities that belong to the state, but who still betrays the nation, I honestly will destroy him."
The role of the military in resource exploitation notably illegal logging, and in providing "security" for international companies such as Freeport McMoran is well known. Quite apart from the devastating environmental impacts of these activities, the indigenous community faces the loss of land and livelihood. At the same time troop numbers in West Papua continue to increase and the Indonesian Army has proposed a third infantry division for their Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) in Papua, which would see more troops made available to patrol border areas and other conflict-prone regions. The third infantry division of Kostrad is expected to be established by 2014. This ongoing militarisation creates increased tension and instability.
We note that the Forum has recently been opening up the list of invited Forum observers to include the French territory of Wallis and Futuna, the United Nations, the Commonwealth Secretariat and the Asian Development Bank in addition to East Timor, Tokelau and the French territories of New Caledonia and French Polynesia. We also note that the Forum Leaders approved the application of New Caledonia and French Polynesia for associate membership of the Forum
As West Papua is also a Pacific nation, the Indonesia Human Rights Committee joins the call for the representatives of the people of West Papua to be granted observer status at this year's meeting in Nuku'alofa, Tonga. We believe that the Forum would then be in an excellent position to facilitate a dialogue between the West Papuan people and Indonesia, a post Forum Dailogue Partner of the Forum.
We also call on the Forum to raise concerns about the ongoing human rights abuses in West Papua with the Indonesian government and to press the Indonesian Government to allow greater access for the media and human rights monitors in Papua.
The Forum should also appeal to the Indonesian Government to agree to an urgent fact finding mission to West Papua to investigate the human rights situation.
Yours sincerely,
Maire Leadbeater
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
Time for West Papua to come in from the cold at the Pacific Islands Forum
9 October, 2007The Indonesia Human Rights Committee is urging the New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark to advocate for the people of West Papua at the Pacific Islands Forum when it meets next week. This appeal is backed by other NGOs, including Pax Christi. Peace Movement Aotearoa and Christian World Service.
West Papuan people look to New Zealand to take a stand on their behalf in the light of our close cultural links to the Pacific and past peace initiatives.
IHRC has also written individually to each of the 16 Pacific Island Forum leaders urging that West Papuan representatives be given observer status at the Forum and calling for a human rights fact-finding mission to West Papua.
"It is way past time for West Papua to have a seat at the Forum table. It is great that other new observers are being accepted, such as East Timor, Tokelau and the French territories of New Caledonia and French Polynesia. But why no welcome mat for the West Papuans who are so much in need of regional support and so clearly part of the Pacific in terms of geography, history, culture and ethnicity."
"Tragically, the Forum representations made about West Papua in 2006 have not been heeded. Repressive tactics continue and people and organisations who actively support human rights or political change are subject to surveillance, threats and harassment by the Indonesian security forces."
"Access to West Papua is tightly constrained and the few foreign journalists who visit are tightly monitored and constrained by the Security Forces. The Jayapura military commander Col. Burhanuddin Siagian, who has been indicted for crimes against humanity in East Timor, threatens to 'destroy' Supporters of independence."
"The granting of observer status would give new visibility to the West Papuan issue and could well pave the way for the Forum to serve as an honest broker or mediator between the West Papuan people and the Indonesian Government."
Rt Hon Helen Clark,
Prime Minister ,
Parliament Buildings,
Wellington.
5 October, 2007
Dear Helen Clark,
The letter that follows has been sent to each Pacific Islands Forum leader. We believe that you have played a positive role in the past on behalf of West Papua at the Pacific Islands Forum, so we make a particular call to you as our Prime Minister. West Papuan people need your support and advocacy more than ever.
We are deeply concerned about the deteriorating human rights situation in West Papua and urge you and the other Pacific Island Heads of State to make this issue a priority in your deliberations.
We recall that at last year's Forum the Official Communiqu� called on all parties to protect and uphold the rights of all West Papuan people and to seek to address the root causes of violence by peaceful means. The Communiqu� also urged the Indonesian authorities to bring to justice the perpetrators of serious crimes in the Province of Papua.
Tragically, there is little indication that the Indonesian authorities have heeded these representations. As you will be aware United Nations Special Representative Hina Jilani
visited West Papua last June. In her report she expressed concern about reports of incidents that involve arbitrary detention, torture, harassment through surveillance, interference with freedom of movement and in defenders' efforts to monitor and investigate human rights violations. She was also informed of cases where human rights defenders were threatened with prosecution by members of the police and the military and it is alarming that some of those who met with Hina Jilani are reporting new instances of harassment.
We believe that the military in West Papua uses repressive tactics in a systematic way against individuals and organisations that support human rights and political change. Many believe that the security forces were behind recent so called "mysterious" deaths of young people whose badly beaten bodies were found in the street. It is difficult to obtain verified information about these abuses as West Papua remains largely cut off from the outside world and so far any journalist's visit has been very tightly monitored by the security forces.
From West Papuan representatives, including Church and Tribal leaders, there are repeated calls for dialogue but military commanders such as Col. Burhanuddin Siagian, the current Commander of the Jayapura sub-regional military command (Korem 172), rely instead on threats to maintain control. Col Siagian who has been indicted twice for crimes against humanity in East Timor, has stated that "If I meet anyone who has enjoyed the facilities that belong to the state, but who still betrays the nation, I honestly will destroy him."
The role of the military in resource exploitation notably illegal logging, and in providing "security" for international companies such as Freeport McMoran is well known. Quite apart from the devastating environmental impacts of these activities, the indigenous community faces the loss of land and livelihood. At the same time troop numbers in West Papua continue to increase and the Indonesian Army has proposed a third infantry division for their Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) in Papua, which would see more troops made available to patrol border areas and other conflict-prone regions. The third infantry division of Kostrad is expected to be established by 2014. This ongoing militarisation creates increased tension and instability.
We note that the Forum has recently been opening up the list of invited Forum observers to include the French territory of Wallis and Futuna, the United Nations, the Commonwealth Secretariat and the Asian Development Bank in addition to East Timor, Tokelau and the French territories of New Caledonia and French Polynesia. We also note that the Forum Leaders approved the application of New Caledonia and French Polynesia for associate membership of the Forum
As West Papua is also a Pacific nation, the Indonesia Human Rights Committee joins the call for the representatives of the people of West Papua to be granted observer status at this year's meeting in Nuku'alofa, Tonga. We believe that the Forum would then be in an excellent position to facilitate a dialogue between the West Papuan people and Indonesia, a post Forum Dailogue Partner of the Forum.
We also call on the Forum to raise concerns about the ongoing human rights abuses in West Papua with the Indonesian government and to press the Indonesian Government to allow greater access for the media and human rights monitors in Papua.
The Forum should also appeal to the Indonesian Government to agree to an urgent fact finding mission to West Papua to investigate the human rights situation.
Yours sincerely,
Maire Leadbeater
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
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Adrian Orr,
Chief Executive Officer
David May,
Chairman of the Board of Guardians,
New Zealand Superannuation Fund,
PO Box 106 607,
Auckland.
Hon Dr Michael Cullen,
Minister of Finance,
Parliament Buildings,
Wellington
Dear Sirs,
We are deeply concerned that the Superannuation Fund is not yet taking action to end its investment of over $18 million in Total S.A., the French oil firm which has a major operation in Burma.
We note that Superannuation Fund CEO Adrian Orr says that the Fund is fulfilling its obligations to maximise financial returns without prejudicing New Zealand's 'responsible' reputation. But we believe that it cannot be considered 'responsible' to invest in a company which works very closely with the military junta in Burma. In the light of the current crisis situation this investment should be reviewed urgently.
Effectively, given the regime's tight control over the economy, it is impossible to do business with Burma without supporting the regime. Moreover, Burmese pro-democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi , has described Total as the main supporter of the military regime and has called on Total and other foreign companies not to invest in Burma. The oil and gas extraction industry provides the regime with its largest source of income, bringing in a third or more of the country's export revenue.
The Burmese regime is estimated to spend up to half its budget on its huge (500,000 strong) army of repression. Right now the regime is setting up detention camps because the jails are at bursting point after many thousands of monks and peaceful demonstrators were rounded up over the past week.
Total is also associated more directly with allegations of grave human rights abuses, as the company relied on the Burmese military to provide security when it built the pipeline which transports gas to Thailand. The list of these documented crimes against the Burmese people includes allegations of rape, forced labour and the mass displacements of villagers.
We urge both the New Zealand Government and the management and Board of the Superannuation Fund to review the decision to invest in Total Oil and all companies which continue to operate in Burma. The regime is ignoring international appeals to respect human rights and democracy but it cannot survive if its financial life-blood is removed. Other countries are imposing sanctions on investments and exports from Burma. It is time New Zealand played its part.
Yours sincerely,
Maire Leadbeater
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
Letter re: Super Funds and Burma
04 October, 2007Adrian Orr,
Chief Executive Officer
David May,
Chairman of the Board of Guardians,
New Zealand Superannuation Fund,
PO Box 106 607,
Auckland.
Hon Dr Michael Cullen,
Minister of Finance,
Parliament Buildings,
Wellington
Dear Sirs,
We are deeply concerned that the Superannuation Fund is not yet taking action to end its investment of over $18 million in Total S.A., the French oil firm which has a major operation in Burma.
We note that Superannuation Fund CEO Adrian Orr says that the Fund is fulfilling its obligations to maximise financial returns without prejudicing New Zealand's 'responsible' reputation. But we believe that it cannot be considered 'responsible' to invest in a company which works very closely with the military junta in Burma. In the light of the current crisis situation this investment should be reviewed urgently.
Effectively, given the regime's tight control over the economy, it is impossible to do business with Burma without supporting the regime. Moreover, Burmese pro-democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi , has described Total as the main supporter of the military regime and has called on Total and other foreign companies not to invest in Burma. The oil and gas extraction industry provides the regime with its largest source of income, bringing in a third or more of the country's export revenue.
The Burmese regime is estimated to spend up to half its budget on its huge (500,000 strong) army of repression. Right now the regime is setting up detention camps because the jails are at bursting point after many thousands of monks and peaceful demonstrators were rounded up over the past week.
Total is also associated more directly with allegations of grave human rights abuses, as the company relied on the Burmese military to provide security when it built the pipeline which transports gas to Thailand. The list of these documented crimes against the Burmese people includes allegations of rape, forced labour and the mass displacements of villagers.
We urge both the New Zealand Government and the management and Board of the Superannuation Fund to review the decision to invest in Total Oil and all companies which continue to operate in Burma. The regime is ignoring international appeals to respect human rights and democracy but it cannot survive if its financial life-blood is removed. Other countries are imposing sanctions on investments and exports from Burma. It is time New Zealand played its part.
Yours sincerely,
Maire Leadbeater
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
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The New Zealand Superannuation Fund's Chief Executive can see no need to end the Fund's $18 million investment in Total S.A., despite the fact that French oil giant Total has a major operation in Burma.
'CEO Adrian Orr says that the Fund is fulfilling its obligations to maximise financial returns without prejudicing New Zealand's 'responsible' reputation. But I fail to see anything responsible in helping Total to go on working hand and glove with the Burmese military junta,' said Maire Leadbeater for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee. 'We are conveying our concern to Mr Orr and to Finance Minister, Dr Cullen.'
'Mr Orr should listen to the advice of the Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi who has said that Total is the main supporter of the military regime. It is impossible to do business with Burma without supporting the regime. The oil and gas extraction industry provides the regime with its largest source of income, bringing in around a third of the country's export revenue. Total relied on the Burmese military to provide security to build the pipeline which transports gas to Thailand. The human rights abuses which have been documented include allegations of rape, forced labour and mass displacements of villagers.'
The Burmese regime is estimated to spend up to half its budget on it huge (500,000 strong) army of repression. Right now the regime is setting up detention camps because the jails are at bursting point after many thousands of monks and peaceful demonstrators were rounded up over the past week. There is no way that any of the New Zealand taxpayer's contributions should end up funding this kind of iniquity.
This intransigent response will inevitably fuel further protests against the Super Fund's unethical and dangerous investments. The Super Fund hasn't yet heeded the call to divest its investments in nuclear weapons producing companies. It also continues to invest in Freeport McMoran the giant gold and copper mine in West Papua which is responsible for tragic environmental and social devastation. In West Papua also there are widespread allegations of human rights abuses perpetuated by the Indonesian military assigned to provide 'security' for the mining operation.
Super Fund puts profits before people
4 October, 2007The New Zealand Superannuation Fund's Chief Executive can see no need to end the Fund's $18 million investment in Total S.A., despite the fact that French oil giant Total has a major operation in Burma.
'CEO Adrian Orr says that the Fund is fulfilling its obligations to maximise financial returns without prejudicing New Zealand's 'responsible' reputation. But I fail to see anything responsible in helping Total to go on working hand and glove with the Burmese military junta,' said Maire Leadbeater for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee. 'We are conveying our concern to Mr Orr and to Finance Minister, Dr Cullen.'
'Mr Orr should listen to the advice of the Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi who has said that Total is the main supporter of the military regime. It is impossible to do business with Burma without supporting the regime. The oil and gas extraction industry provides the regime with its largest source of income, bringing in around a third of the country's export revenue. Total relied on the Burmese military to provide security to build the pipeline which transports gas to Thailand. The human rights abuses which have been documented include allegations of rape, forced labour and mass displacements of villagers.'
The Burmese regime is estimated to spend up to half its budget on it huge (500,000 strong) army of repression. Right now the regime is setting up detention camps because the jails are at bursting point after many thousands of monks and peaceful demonstrators were rounded up over the past week. There is no way that any of the New Zealand taxpayer's contributions should end up funding this kind of iniquity.
This intransigent response will inevitably fuel further protests against the Super Fund's unethical and dangerous investments. The Super Fund hasn't yet heeded the call to divest its investments in nuclear weapons producing companies. It also continues to invest in Freeport McMoran the giant gold and copper mine in West Papua which is responsible for tragic environmental and social devastation. In West Papua also there are widespread allegations of human rights abuses perpetuated by the Indonesian military assigned to provide 'security' for the mining operation.
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The Indonesia Human Rights Committee is shocked at the Government's weak and muted response to the global scourge of deforestation. A new report details the vast extent of illegal logging practices and identifies Indonesia as the country which on a proportional basis has the largest harvest of illegal timber. The Government has it in its power to monitor timber imports and to ban suspect wood, but it says it won't regulate until other countries agree. Meanwhile it is only proposing to "consult" importers and retailers and Forestry Minister Anderton advises consumer caution. [1]
"Tropical deforestation is a major cause of greenhouse gas emissions and New Zealand has a responsibility to play its part in ending this crime against the planet," said Maire Leadbeater speaking for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee. "New Zealand is importing large quantities of the tropical hardwood kwila from West Papua despite the risk to one of the world's last stands of pristine old growth forest. West Papua, home to unique species of birds, plants and animals is considered a treasure trove of biodiversity. Indigenous communities have no power to stop the rapacious loggers from polluting and devastating their traditional lands and waterways."
Last summer the Indonesia Human Rights Committee conducted a retail survey and found that Auckland was awash with outdoor furniture and decking made from kwila sourced from Indonesian controlled West Papua. Kwila has already been stripped out of the rest of Indonesia and other South East Asian nations and there is a strong international drive for kwila to be listed as an endangered species. Greenpeace estimates that the wood is only 35 years away from extinction as a species.
"Indonesian leaders from the Minister of the Environment to the Governor of West Papua are calling for international help to combat the illegal trade, which amounts to up to 80 % of all the logging trade in Indonesia. The problem is a bit like the drug trade - it is driven by the western demand for the product."
"It is time for firm action - so we are urging the Minister and Government to place an immediate ban on the import of kwila."
Government should ban Kwila imports now - not when it is extinct!
August 22, 2007The Indonesia Human Rights Committee is shocked at the Government's weak and muted response to the global scourge of deforestation. A new report details the vast extent of illegal logging practices and identifies Indonesia as the country which on a proportional basis has the largest harvest of illegal timber. The Government has it in its power to monitor timber imports and to ban suspect wood, but it says it won't regulate until other countries agree. Meanwhile it is only proposing to "consult" importers and retailers and Forestry Minister Anderton advises consumer caution. [1]
"Tropical deforestation is a major cause of greenhouse gas emissions and New Zealand has a responsibility to play its part in ending this crime against the planet," said Maire Leadbeater speaking for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee. "New Zealand is importing large quantities of the tropical hardwood kwila from West Papua despite the risk to one of the world's last stands of pristine old growth forest. West Papua, home to unique species of birds, plants and animals is considered a treasure trove of biodiversity. Indigenous communities have no power to stop the rapacious loggers from polluting and devastating their traditional lands and waterways."
Last summer the Indonesia Human Rights Committee conducted a retail survey and found that Auckland was awash with outdoor furniture and decking made from kwila sourced from Indonesian controlled West Papua. Kwila has already been stripped out of the rest of Indonesia and other South East Asian nations and there is a strong international drive for kwila to be listed as an endangered species. Greenpeace estimates that the wood is only 35 years away from extinction as a species.
"Indonesian leaders from the Minister of the Environment to the Governor of West Papua are calling for international help to combat the illegal trade, which amounts to up to 80 % of all the logging trade in Indonesia. The problem is a bit like the drug trade - it is driven by the western demand for the product."
"It is time for firm action - so we are urging the Minister and Government to place an immediate ban on the import of kwila."
[1] US Senator John Kerry has put forward legislation which would ban the import and sale of illegally logged timber in the US - it includes heafty fines for offenders.
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The 4th National Gathering of the Australian Coalition of West Papua Support Groups met in Sydney over the weekend of the 11-12 August to discuss and formulate campaigns to highlight the ongoing human rights abuses occurring in West Papua. The gathering also affirmed their support for the peaceful struggle of the West Papuan people to achieve their right to self-determination. (Article 1. The United Nations International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights).
Delegates at the gathering expressed great concern about the deteriorating situation in West Papua and at the systematic campaign by the military and police to intimidate any individual or organisation whom they (the military and police) deem to be separatists.
The gathering also called for the removal and suspension from active duty of Col. Burhanuddin Siagian who is commander of the Jayapura sub-regional military command (Korem 172) in Papua,
Col. Siagian has been indicted twice for crimes against humanity in East Timor and according to a report in the Cenderawasih Post on 12 May 2007, Col Siagian threatened to destroy anyone who betrays Indonesia: "If I meet anyone who has enjoyed the facilities that belong to the state, but who still betrays the nation, I honestly will destroy him". Since Col. Siagian made his statements there has been a marked increase in intimidation throughout West Papua and Indonesia and an increase in the number of civilian killings by security forces. There has also being an increase in (and reappearance of) civilian militias and an escalation in the intimidation of human rights defenders and church workers.
Lombok treaty,
In relation to the Lombok treaty, the gathering also condemned the ties with the Indonesian military to which this treaty commits us. The military are the core of the problem in West Papua and it is in the interest of the military to provoke and prolong conflict in in order to prove that they are needed to maintain law and order and control so called separatists groups. As the Indonesian military receive approximately only 45% of their budget from the government, they must raise the rest themselves. Much of this is done through illegal means such as illegal logging, mining, prostitution and offering to provide so called security to international companies such as the Freeport copper and gold mine.
However, the gathering has noted that the treaties committee has recommended that there be "an increase in transparency in defence cooperation agreements to provide assurance that Australian resources do not directly or indirectly support human rights abuses in Indonesia" and "The Committee recommends that the Australian Government encourage the Indonesian Government to allow greater access for the media and human rights monitors in Papua.
However, unless these recommendations are actually incorporated into the treaty it will just be paying lip service to these concerns.
We note that no mention was made of exchange of health information in the treaty e.g. in case of bird flu or similar epidemics nor of medical support.
Health
Health in West Papua continues to be a matter of major regional and international concern. West Papua has half of all the diagnosed cases of HIV AIDS in Indonesia (at 20 times the rate of the rest of Indonesia) Malaria remains endemic, and tuberculosis, including new drug resistant strains is increasing. Infant mortality rates are over 100 per thousand live births and are amongst the highest in the world. (Half of the infant deaths are due to Malaria). Maternal mortality rates is rising in many areas, due to malnutrition and increasing HIV AIDS infections. The WHO states that female literacy is the greatest protector against maternal mortality. However Papua has the seventh highest rate of illiteracy in Indonesia, with 200,000 people aged 12 to 45 years unable to read. In addition, more than 350,000 people over the age of 45 and living in rural areas in Papua cannot read and write.
TNI has not reformed
Numerous reports including the US State Department's 2005 Human Rights report has stated that "Security forces continued to commit unlawful killings of rebels, suspected rebels, and civilians in areas of separatist activity, where most politically motivated extrajudicial killings also occurred", and an article in the Jakarta Post "military remains above the law, says rights watchdog" dated 27 December 2006, also reports that the military have made no progress in reforming itself. There have been a number of military operations in the highland regions of West Papua in the past year and particularly in the Puncak Jaya region. These operations caused thousands to flee to the bush for their safety and seriously disrupted the livelihood of the local people.
Militia groups
The increase in activity of militia groups in West Papua and Indonesia is of particular concern.
At the beginning of July West Papuan students held protests in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta rejecting special autonomy and protesting the Indonesian government's decision to ban Congressman Faleomavega from visiting West Papua. In response to these demonstrations the Indonesian police, military and local government in Yogyakarta teamed up with Islamic militias and hardline nationalist groups to intimidate West Papuan activists. According to local West Papuan activists, statements issued by the Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defenders Front) and Front Anti-Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Anti-Communist Front) have been made threatening West Papuan students.
These acts of intimidation of West Papuan students and NGO organisations by the security forces is causing increasing tension and instability in West Papua. It signifies a systematic campaign to target what appears to be separatists groups by the security forces and a return to the hardline policy of the Suharto years.
Other militia groups operating in West Papua including the Laskar Jihad group. Although it was reported that they disbanded after the Bali bombings members of the group have remained in West Papua. Other groups include the Satgas Merah-Putih (Red and White Task Force) and the Front Pembela Merah Putih (Red and White Defenders Front). None of these groups could operate with out the knowledge and consent of the military. They military have also created a false OPM (Free Papua Movement) to instigate incidents so the military can use such incidents to crack down on so called separatists groups.
Being aware of the Indonesian military's appalling human rights abuses and their involvement in illegal resource extraction, the National Gathering of the Australian Coalition of West Papua Support Groups calls on the Australian government to urge the Indonesian government to control its military who are one of the major causes of conflict in West Papua and order them to return to barracks where in a true democracy, they belong.
Further info
Joe Collins 04077 85797
Neil Sullivan (08 ) 9328 1970
Groups in attendance
Australia West Papua Association - Newcastle
Australia West Papua Association - South Australia
Australia West Papua Association - Sydney
Australia West Papua Association - WA
Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights
Indonesia Human Rights Committee - New Zealand
West Papua People's Representative Office - Vanuatu
Not in attendance" but supporting statement
Australians for a Free West Papua-NT
Australia West Papua Association - SW Victoria
Australian Coalition of West Papua Support Groups
Media release 21 August 2007The 4th National Gathering of the Australian Coalition of West Papua Support Groups met in Sydney over the weekend of the 11-12 August to discuss and formulate campaigns to highlight the ongoing human rights abuses occurring in West Papua. The gathering also affirmed their support for the peaceful struggle of the West Papuan people to achieve their right to self-determination. (Article 1. The United Nations International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights).
Delegates at the gathering expressed great concern about the deteriorating situation in West Papua and at the systematic campaign by the military and police to intimidate any individual or organisation whom they (the military and police) deem to be separatists.
The gathering also called for the removal and suspension from active duty of Col. Burhanuddin Siagian who is commander of the Jayapura sub-regional military command (Korem 172) in Papua,
Col. Siagian has been indicted twice for crimes against humanity in East Timor and according to a report in the Cenderawasih Post on 12 May 2007, Col Siagian threatened to destroy anyone who betrays Indonesia: "If I meet anyone who has enjoyed the facilities that belong to the state, but who still betrays the nation, I honestly will destroy him". Since Col. Siagian made his statements there has been a marked increase in intimidation throughout West Papua and Indonesia and an increase in the number of civilian killings by security forces. There has also being an increase in (and reappearance of) civilian militias and an escalation in the intimidation of human rights defenders and church workers.
Lombok treaty,
In relation to the Lombok treaty, the gathering also condemned the ties with the Indonesian military to which this treaty commits us. The military are the core of the problem in West Papua and it is in the interest of the military to provoke and prolong conflict in in order to prove that they are needed to maintain law and order and control so called separatists groups. As the Indonesian military receive approximately only 45% of their budget from the government, they must raise the rest themselves. Much of this is done through illegal means such as illegal logging, mining, prostitution and offering to provide so called security to international companies such as the Freeport copper and gold mine.
However, the gathering has noted that the treaties committee has recommended that there be "an increase in transparency in defence cooperation agreements to provide assurance that Australian resources do not directly or indirectly support human rights abuses in Indonesia" and "The Committee recommends that the Australian Government encourage the Indonesian Government to allow greater access for the media and human rights monitors in Papua.
However, unless these recommendations are actually incorporated into the treaty it will just be paying lip service to these concerns.
We note that no mention was made of exchange of health information in the treaty e.g. in case of bird flu or similar epidemics nor of medical support.
Health
Health in West Papua continues to be a matter of major regional and international concern. West Papua has half of all the diagnosed cases of HIV AIDS in Indonesia (at 20 times the rate of the rest of Indonesia) Malaria remains endemic, and tuberculosis, including new drug resistant strains is increasing. Infant mortality rates are over 100 per thousand live births and are amongst the highest in the world. (Half of the infant deaths are due to Malaria). Maternal mortality rates is rising in many areas, due to malnutrition and increasing HIV AIDS infections. The WHO states that female literacy is the greatest protector against maternal mortality. However Papua has the seventh highest rate of illiteracy in Indonesia, with 200,000 people aged 12 to 45 years unable to read. In addition, more than 350,000 people over the age of 45 and living in rural areas in Papua cannot read and write.
TNI has not reformed
Numerous reports including the US State Department's 2005 Human Rights report has stated that "Security forces continued to commit unlawful killings of rebels, suspected rebels, and civilians in areas of separatist activity, where most politically motivated extrajudicial killings also occurred", and an article in the Jakarta Post "military remains above the law, says rights watchdog" dated 27 December 2006, also reports that the military have made no progress in reforming itself. There have been a number of military operations in the highland regions of West Papua in the past year and particularly in the Puncak Jaya region. These operations caused thousands to flee to the bush for their safety and seriously disrupted the livelihood of the local people.
Militia groups
The increase in activity of militia groups in West Papua and Indonesia is of particular concern.
At the beginning of July West Papuan students held protests in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta rejecting special autonomy and protesting the Indonesian government's decision to ban Congressman Faleomavega from visiting West Papua. In response to these demonstrations the Indonesian police, military and local government in Yogyakarta teamed up with Islamic militias and hardline nationalist groups to intimidate West Papuan activists. According to local West Papuan activists, statements issued by the Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defenders Front) and Front Anti-Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Anti-Communist Front) have been made threatening West Papuan students.
These acts of intimidation of West Papuan students and NGO organisations by the security forces is causing increasing tension and instability in West Papua. It signifies a systematic campaign to target what appears to be separatists groups by the security forces and a return to the hardline policy of the Suharto years.
Other militia groups operating in West Papua including the Laskar Jihad group. Although it was reported that they disbanded after the Bali bombings members of the group have remained in West Papua. Other groups include the Satgas Merah-Putih (Red and White Task Force) and the Front Pembela Merah Putih (Red and White Defenders Front). None of these groups could operate with out the knowledge and consent of the military. They military have also created a false OPM (Free Papua Movement) to instigate incidents so the military can use such incidents to crack down on so called separatists groups.
Being aware of the Indonesian military's appalling human rights abuses and their involvement in illegal resource extraction, the National Gathering of the Australian Coalition of West Papua Support Groups calls on the Australian government to urge the Indonesian government to control its military who are one of the major causes of conflict in West Papua and order them to return to barracks where in a true democracy, they belong.
Further info
Joe Collins 04077 85797
Neil Sullivan (08 ) 9328 1970
Groups in attendance
Australia West Papua Association - Newcastle
Australia West Papua Association - South Australia
Australia West Papua Association - Sydney
Australia West Papua Association - WA
Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights
Indonesia Human Rights Committee - New Zealand
West Papua People's Representative Office - Vanuatu
Not in attendance" but supporting statement
Australians for a Free West Papua-NT
Australia West Papua Association - SW Victoria
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Endangered kwila wood has a dominant place in the Auckland retail market for outdoor wooden furniture and decking timber. This was the key finding of a survey of Auckland retailers undertaken by Indonesia Human Rights Committee members this summer. The survey also revealed that most kwila wood coming to Auckland is sourced from Indonesian controlled West Papua. Retailers were often embarrassed when asked whether their chairs and tables had any certification to indicate legality. Some joked when asked whether the wood came from a sustainably managed forest: "None of it does - does it?"
The IHRC survey provides further confirmation of the Greenpeace research which indicates that up to NZ$20 million of kwila timber, decking and furniture is being imported into New Zealand every year.
Auckland shoppers and retailers are complicit in an environmental crime of massive proportions. West Papua is home to the last of the intact old growth forests in the Asia Pacific region. The forests are home to birds, animals and plants of great rarity and beauty - the extent of the biodiversity is virtually unparalleled. Now the forests are fast disappearing as they are destroyed by the rapacious activities of the timber barons - 80% of the timber taken from West Papua is illegally logged. Certification proves little since the timber exporters can easily obtain misleading documentation - by mixing legal with illegal logs, adding stickers to indicate a different place of origin and so on.
The Indonesian Government says it does not support the illegal logging but seems unable to challenge the entrenched power of the timber syndicates. Indigenous tribal communities can do little to resist the exploitation of the forests that are the basis of their livelihood, especially as the military is involved at every step of the lucrative trade. In recent years conflict over logging has led to military sweeps, killings, disappearances and the destruction of homes. West Papua has lost up to 100,000 of its people since Indonesia gained control of the territory in the 1960s; deforestation is the last in a long line of environmental, health and economic threats that some say have brought the indigenous people to the brink of genocide.
The New Zealand Government says it is serious about climate change and promotes sustainable forestry at home but turns a blind eye to the rape of the rainforest in a neighbouring country. We endorse the Greenpeace call for the protection of this irreplaceable resource and for rigorous Government regulation. In addition IHRC will mount a campaign for a consumer boycott of all kwila products.
For further information: Maire Leadbeater 09-815-9000 or 0274-436-957
Save West Papua's rainforests - stop importing Kwila
April 17, 2007Endangered kwila wood has a dominant place in the Auckland retail market for outdoor wooden furniture and decking timber. This was the key finding of a survey of Auckland retailers undertaken by Indonesia Human Rights Committee members this summer. The survey also revealed that most kwila wood coming to Auckland is sourced from Indonesian controlled West Papua. Retailers were often embarrassed when asked whether their chairs and tables had any certification to indicate legality. Some joked when asked whether the wood came from a sustainably managed forest: "None of it does - does it?"
The IHRC survey provides further confirmation of the Greenpeace research which indicates that up to NZ$20 million of kwila timber, decking and furniture is being imported into New Zealand every year.
Auckland shoppers and retailers are complicit in an environmental crime of massive proportions. West Papua is home to the last of the intact old growth forests in the Asia Pacific region. The forests are home to birds, animals and plants of great rarity and beauty - the extent of the biodiversity is virtually unparalleled. Now the forests are fast disappearing as they are destroyed by the rapacious activities of the timber barons - 80% of the timber taken from West Papua is illegally logged. Certification proves little since the timber exporters can easily obtain misleading documentation - by mixing legal with illegal logs, adding stickers to indicate a different place of origin and so on.
The Indonesian Government says it does not support the illegal logging but seems unable to challenge the entrenched power of the timber syndicates. Indigenous tribal communities can do little to resist the exploitation of the forests that are the basis of their livelihood, especially as the military is involved at every step of the lucrative trade. In recent years conflict over logging has led to military sweeps, killings, disappearances and the destruction of homes. West Papua has lost up to 100,000 of its people since Indonesia gained control of the territory in the 1960s; deforestation is the last in a long line of environmental, health and economic threats that some say have brought the indigenous people to the brink of genocide.
The New Zealand Government says it is serious about climate change and promotes sustainable forestry at home but turns a blind eye to the rape of the rainforest in a neighbouring country. We endorse the Greenpeace call for the protection of this irreplaceable resource and for rigorous Government regulation. In addition IHRC will mount a campaign for a consumer boycott of all kwila products.
For further information: Maire Leadbeater 09-815-9000 or 0274-436-957
Back To Top
The Indonesia human rights committee says the New Zealand government is allowing its citizens to help destroy the precious native rainforests in the Papua region of Indonesia.
The committee is again calling on the New Zealand government to ban the import of kwila tropical timber, which is mostly sourced in Papua.
Endangered kwila wood has a dominant place in the New Zealand retail market for outdoor wooden furniture and decking timber.
The committee's Maire Leadbeater says Papua's forests are quickly disappearing due to rapacious illegal logging and New Zealand's demand for kwila is helping drive this.
She says it's particularly ironic given the increasing focus on combatting climate change: "We've all been asked to do things in our daily lives to address that issue, and the government is saying that we should do that and we're serious about emissions. But how can we at the same time be complicit in the depletion of one of the world's most precious resources, in one of the last strands of old growth rainforest in our world?"
NZers Help Destroy West Papua's Precious Rain Forests
Human rights group says New Zealanders help destroy Papua's precious rainforestsThe Indonesia human rights committee says the New Zealand government is allowing its citizens to help destroy the precious native rainforests in the Papua region of Indonesia.
The committee is again calling on the New Zealand government to ban the import of kwila tropical timber, which is mostly sourced in Papua.
Endangered kwila wood has a dominant place in the New Zealand retail market for outdoor wooden furniture and decking timber.
The committee's Maire Leadbeater says Papua's forests are quickly disappearing due to rapacious illegal logging and New Zealand's demand for kwila is helping drive this.
She says it's particularly ironic given the increasing focus on combatting climate change: "We've all been asked to do things in our daily lives to address that issue, and the government is saying that we should do that and we're serious about emissions. But how can we at the same time be complicit in the depletion of one of the world's most precious resources, in one of the last strands of old growth rainforest in our world?"
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Amris Hassan,
Ambassador for Indonesia,
P.O.Box 3543,
Wellington.
Associate Professor Jack Body,
New Zealand School of Music,
Victoria University of Wellington,
P.O. Box 600,
Wellington
12 February, 2007
Dear Sirs,
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee has been shocked to learn that composer Martin Wesley Smith was pressured not to play his piece "Papua Merdeka" at the Asia Pacific Festival "Wired" last weekend.
We understand that Embassy representatives advised the organisers of their opposition to the item being included in the concert and that the organisers chose to seek the withdrawal of the item.
We believe this kind of artistic and political censorship is deplorable in a festival designed to celebrate the diversity of the peoples and the music of our region.
We doubt that either of you would deny that there has been a long-standing conflict in West Papua which has resulted in the loss tens of thousands of lives. At this time there are many well-documented reports that there is a humanitarian crisis in the Puncak Jaya region where thousands of people have fled from military conflict only to face new dangers from lack of food, shelter and medicine.
West Papuan community and religious representatives have been promoting a united call for a peaceful dialogue as a way to work towards a resolution of the conflict and the many health and environmental problems faced by the people. But if this dialogue is to take place it must be held in an atmosphere where fundamental human rights and freedoms are upheld including freedom of movement, freedom of speech, and freedom of association.
So it is especially disturbing to us that a music composition has been banned because the work 'freedom' or 'merdeka' is included in its title. 'Freedom' or 'merdeka' can be understood in many ways but at the core is surely a universal human aspiration to be in control of one's own destiny. This is therefore a most fitting theme for cultural expression in music.
We sincerely hope that the reaction to this unwarranted ban has caused the festival organisers and the Embassy to rethink their decisions with respect to Martin Wesley Smith's composition.
Yours sincerely,
Maire Leadbeater
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
Censorship At The Asia Pacific Festival
His Excellency,Amris Hassan,
Ambassador for Indonesia,
P.O.Box 3543,
Wellington.
Associate Professor Jack Body,
New Zealand School of Music,
Victoria University of Wellington,
P.O. Box 600,
Wellington
12 February, 2007
Dear Sirs,
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee has been shocked to learn that composer Martin Wesley Smith was pressured not to play his piece "Papua Merdeka" at the Asia Pacific Festival "Wired" last weekend.
We understand that Embassy representatives advised the organisers of their opposition to the item being included in the concert and that the organisers chose to seek the withdrawal of the item.
We believe this kind of artistic and political censorship is deplorable in a festival designed to celebrate the diversity of the peoples and the music of our region.
We doubt that either of you would deny that there has been a long-standing conflict in West Papua which has resulted in the loss tens of thousands of lives. At this time there are many well-documented reports that there is a humanitarian crisis in the Puncak Jaya region where thousands of people have fled from military conflict only to face new dangers from lack of food, shelter and medicine.
West Papuan community and religious representatives have been promoting a united call for a peaceful dialogue as a way to work towards a resolution of the conflict and the many health and environmental problems faced by the people. But if this dialogue is to take place it must be held in an atmosphere where fundamental human rights and freedoms are upheld including freedom of movement, freedom of speech, and freedom of association.
So it is especially disturbing to us that a music composition has been banned because the work 'freedom' or 'merdeka' is included in its title. 'Freedom' or 'merdeka' can be understood in many ways but at the core is surely a universal human aspiration to be in control of one's own destiny. This is therefore a most fitting theme for cultural expression in music.
We sincerely hope that the reaction to this unwarranted ban has caused the festival organisers and the Embassy to rethink their decisions with respect to Martin Wesley Smith's composition.
Yours sincerely,
Maire Leadbeater
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
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Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Parliament Buildings,
Wellington.
Dear Mr Peters,
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee is very pleased to note that there appears to be a breakthrough in determining the circumstances of the deaths of the five journalists at Balibo in East Timor (the Portuguese Timor) on October 16, 1975. New Zealander Gary Cunningham was one of the five journalists killed.
In February 2007 an inquest will begin in Sydney into the death of Brian Peters. Unlike previous official investigations this court process will have the power to compel witnesses to come forward. News reports over the weekend state that the evidence of two former Australian government lawyers, George Brownbill and Ian Cunliffe, will be presented to this inquest. These men testified that they viewed the text of an Indonesian intercepted military signal in 1977. This message stated unequivocally that the journalists were executed by Indonesian soldiers acting under orders.
There has never been any accountability for this tragic episode which was so pivotal at the time when Indonesia was poised to take over East Timor by military force. However, the extensive independent research into the events of October 16 has always pointed to the probability that the journalists were killed because they would have exposed the Indonesian conspiracy to invade East Timor.
At the time the Governments of Australia, Britain and New Zealand all sought to downplay the deaths and it is clear from the declassified documents of all three governments that officials knew much more about the deaths than they revealed. Even though their own citizens had been killed they all wanted to avoid 'inflaming' domestic opinion against Indonesia. Up until now the official Australian enquiries have been inconclusive, for reasons such as the lack of Indonesian cooperation and the lack of power to subpoena witnesses.
To our knowledge New Zealand has never offered an apology to the family of Gary Cunningham for its failure to seek accountability for his death.
The UN backed Timor- Leste Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (2005) recommends that governments of Australia, Britain and New Zealand 'undertake a joint initiative to establish the truth about the deaths of the six journalists in Timor-Leste in 1975 so that the facts and accountability are fully established.' (The sixth journalist is Roger East who was killed at the time of December invasion.)
Has New Zealand undertaken any action to date to carry out this recommendation?
This latest revelation and the forthcoming inquest offer an opportunity for New Zealand to review its historic role in this tragedy. Hopefully, this could be a first step towards a full appraisal of New Zealand's role as a supporter of Indonesia throughout the whole period of the occupation.
We look forward to hearing from you what steps
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
New Zealand now proposes to take to play its part in getting to the truth about the journalists deaths.
Rt Hon Winston Peters,Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Parliament Buildings,
Wellington.
Dear Mr Peters,
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee is very pleased to note that there appears to be a breakthrough in determining the circumstances of the deaths of the five journalists at Balibo in East Timor (the Portuguese Timor) on October 16, 1975. New Zealander Gary Cunningham was one of the five journalists killed.
In February 2007 an inquest will begin in Sydney into the death of Brian Peters. Unlike previous official investigations this court process will have the power to compel witnesses to come forward. News reports over the weekend state that the evidence of two former Australian government lawyers, George Brownbill and Ian Cunliffe, will be presented to this inquest. These men testified that they viewed the text of an Indonesian intercepted military signal in 1977. This message stated unequivocally that the journalists were executed by Indonesian soldiers acting under orders.
There has never been any accountability for this tragic episode which was so pivotal at the time when Indonesia was poised to take over East Timor by military force. However, the extensive independent research into the events of October 16 has always pointed to the probability that the journalists were killed because they would have exposed the Indonesian conspiracy to invade East Timor.
At the time the Governments of Australia, Britain and New Zealand all sought to downplay the deaths and it is clear from the declassified documents of all three governments that officials knew much more about the deaths than they revealed. Even though their own citizens had been killed they all wanted to avoid 'inflaming' domestic opinion against Indonesia. Up until now the official Australian enquiries have been inconclusive, for reasons such as the lack of Indonesian cooperation and the lack of power to subpoena witnesses.
To our knowledge New Zealand has never offered an apology to the family of Gary Cunningham for its failure to seek accountability for his death.
The UN backed Timor- Leste Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (2005) recommends that governments of Australia, Britain and New Zealand 'undertake a joint initiative to establish the truth about the deaths of the six journalists in Timor-Leste in 1975 so that the facts and accountability are fully established.' (The sixth journalist is Roger East who was killed at the time of December invasion.)
Has New Zealand undertaken any action to date to carry out this recommendation?
This latest revelation and the forthcoming inquest offer an opportunity for New Zealand to review its historic role in this tragedy. Hopefully, this could be a first step towards a full appraisal of New Zealand's role as a supporter of Indonesia throughout the whole period of the occupation.
We look forward to hearing from you what steps
(for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee)
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The West Papua Morning Star flag will be ceremonially raised at noon on Friday 1 December in Downtown Square, corner of Queen and Customs Sts. At the conclusion of the ceremony participants will deliver a letter protesting at NZ investment in the Freeport McMoran mine to the offices of the New Zealand Super Fund in the Air New Zealand Building.
In West Papua it is illegal to raise the Morning Star flag and Filep Karma and Yusak Pakage are currently serving jail terms of 15 and 10 years respectively, simply for taking part in a flag-raising ceremony. The Freeport McMoran Mine epitomises what Indonesian control has meant for the indigenous West Papuan people's alienation from their traditional lands, environmental devastation, human rights abuses and poverty amidst plenty.
'We have been appalled to learn that New Zealand funds are helping to prop up this monstrous mine just at a time when local and international protest against the mine is escalating. In over 30 years of operation the mine, which deposits its tailing into the local rivers has carved a 230-square-kilometre wasteland of tailing stretching to the Ajkwa Sea's coast, 'said Maire Leadbeater speaking for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee.
Forty five years ago on the 1st of December 1961, the Morning Star flag was flown for the first time officially beside the Dutch Tricolor. At that ceremony as the Morning Star flag was raised, Dutch and Papuan military and police saluted while a marine band played the national anthem: 'My Land Papua'. The Dutch were finally about to give the West Papuan people their freedom. Tragically, their hopes for freedom it were cruelly crushed and West Papua was basically handed over to Indonesia in 1963. After 6 years administering the province, Indonesia held a sham referendum called the 'Act of Free Choice' under UN supervision. Only 1022 handpicked voters were allowed vote, and under coercion, they voted to 'remain with Indonesia'. The Papuans call this the act of no choice.
For further information: Maire Leadbeater 09-815-9000 or 0274 436 957
29 November, 2006: West Papua flag to be raised in Auckland on Independence Day December 1: 12 noon
The West Papua Morning Star flag will be ceremonially raised at noon on Friday 1 December in Downtown Square, corner of Queen and Customs Sts. At the conclusion of the ceremony participants will deliver a letter protesting at NZ investment in the Freeport McMoran mine to the offices of the New Zealand Super Fund in the Air New Zealand Building.
In West Papua it is illegal to raise the Morning Star flag and Filep Karma and Yusak Pakage are currently serving jail terms of 15 and 10 years respectively, simply for taking part in a flag-raising ceremony. The Freeport McMoran Mine epitomises what Indonesian control has meant for the indigenous West Papuan people's alienation from their traditional lands, environmental devastation, human rights abuses and poverty amidst plenty.
'We have been appalled to learn that New Zealand funds are helping to prop up this monstrous mine just at a time when local and international protest against the mine is escalating. In over 30 years of operation the mine, which deposits its tailing into the local rivers has carved a 230-square-kilometre wasteland of tailing stretching to the Ajkwa Sea's coast, 'said Maire Leadbeater speaking for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee.
Forty five years ago on the 1st of December 1961, the Morning Star flag was flown for the first time officially beside the Dutch Tricolor. At that ceremony as the Morning Star flag was raised, Dutch and Papuan military and police saluted while a marine band played the national anthem: 'My Land Papua'. The Dutch were finally about to give the West Papuan people their freedom. Tragically, their hopes for freedom it were cruelly crushed and West Papua was basically handed over to Indonesia in 1963. After 6 years administering the province, Indonesia held a sham referendum called the 'Act of Free Choice' under UN supervision. Only 1022 handpicked voters were allowed vote, and under coercion, they voted to 'remain with Indonesia'. The Papuans call this the act of no choice.
For further information: Maire Leadbeater 09-815-9000 or 0274 436 957
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March 20, 2006: West Papua in deep crisis: New Zealand Government should take action to help prevent further deaths
A military crackdown is under way in Indonesian controlled West Papua in the wake of the violent end of a
Jayapura demonstration against the Freeport McMoran mine two days ago. Reports indicate that riot police
opened fire on the demonstrators using rubber bullets and possibly live ammunition as well as tear gas. In
the ensuing melee 3 policemen and an air force officer were killed and an unknown number of student demonstrators
injured.
Large numbers of young people have been arrested. Reports state that the police are firing at random in the area near the Cendrawasih University Campus and the I.S. Kinje Theological Seminary. Reports suggest that military troop reinforcements are moving in and that many students are hiding or have fled into the jungle in fear of their lives.
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee call on Foreign Minister Winston Peters to:
Given the Indonesian authorities known dire record for unaccountability and impunity independent international involvement is essential to help resolve the current crisis and end the bloodshed. Winston Peters must show that he is serious about his own words that New Zealand should be engaged in its own neighbourhood.
March 20, 2006: West Papua in deep crisis: New Zealand Government should take action to help prevent further deaths
A military crackdown is under way in Indonesian controlled West Papua in the wake of the violent end of a
Jayapura demonstration against the Freeport McMoran mine two days ago. Reports indicate that riot police
opened fire on the demonstrators using rubber bullets and possibly live ammunition as well as tear gas. In
the ensuing melee 3 policemen and an air force officer were killed and an unknown number of student demonstrators
injured. Large numbers of young people have been arrested. Reports state that the police are firing at random in the area near the Cendrawasih University Campus and the I.S. Kinje Theological Seminary. Reports suggest that military troop reinforcements are moving in and that many students are hiding or have fled into the jungle in fear of their lives.
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee call on Foreign Minister Winston Peters to:
- Mount an urgent lobby for an independent human rights investigation preferably to be conducted by the UN Human Rights Commission.
- Advocate for the opening up of West Papua to independent journalists, human rights workers and peace monitors.
- Use his good relations with Indonesia to gain urgent access for a fact finding mission of parliamentarians and NGO leaders to go to West Papua.
Given the Indonesian authorities known dire record for unaccountability and impunity independent international involvement is essential to help resolve the current crisis and end the bloodshed. Winston Peters must show that he is serious about his own words that New Zealand should be engaged in its own neighbourhood.
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February 3, 2006: The East Timor Commission for Reception Truth and Reconciliation
calls for reparations- New Zealand must apologise for its sins and pay up.
The 2,500 page document of the Commission for Reception Truth and Reconciliation has just been released at
the United Nations and the full contents are now widely available on the internet. The report, which New
Zealand helped to fund, documents 24 years of crimes against humanity in horrifying detail. Tens of
thousands of East Timorese were killed or died of starvation, rape was endemic and infrastructure was
systematically destroyed. The report carefully sets out who is to blame and calls for reparations.
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee has written to the Minister of Foreign Affairs to urge him to take on board the explicit recommendations relevant to us. All countries which provided military assistance to Indonesia while it occupied East Timor, should apologise for failing to adequately uphold internationally agreed rights and freedoms. The report recommends that the UN Security Council help the Timorese Government to obtain reparations. New Zealand is also asked to join with Australia and Britain in a joint initiative to establish the truth about the 1975 deaths of 6 foreign journalists in East Timor including New Zealander Gary Cunningham.
Declassified documents from the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs were given to the Truth Commission and are cited there. These documents confirm that New Zealand officials knew very accurately about the Indonesian plans to invade and did nothing to blow the whistle. Subsequently New Zealand was an extremely valuable friend to Indonesia - supporting it at the United Nations, and playing down human rights abuses even when New Zealand citizens were killed in East Timor. New Zealand also trained the Indonesian military and Indonesian officers came here to learn how to fly Skyhawk attack jets and how to improve their counter-insurgency skills.
Australia and the United States both gave Indonesia the green light for the initial invasion and so their role is justifiably in the spotlight. However, New Zealand was also a partner in the crime and we owe a debt to one of the most poverty stricken nations in the world.
New Zealand should make a full and genuine apology to the people of East Timor and set an example to other guilty nations by offering reparations and insisting that the UN coordinate an immediate reparations programme. We must also offer a very belated apology to the family of Gary Cunningham and get to the truth about this pivotal episode.
For further information: Maire Leadbeater; 815-9000 or 0274-436-957
February 3, 2006: The East Timor Commission for Reception Truth and Reconciliation
calls for reparations- New Zealand must apologise for its sins and pay up.
The 2,500 page document of the Commission for Reception Truth and Reconciliation has just been released at
the United Nations and the full contents are now widely available on the internet. The report, which New
Zealand helped to fund, documents 24 years of crimes against humanity in horrifying detail. Tens of
thousands of East Timorese were killed or died of starvation, rape was endemic and infrastructure was
systematically destroyed. The report carefully sets out who is to blame and calls for reparations. The Indonesia Human Rights Committee has written to the Minister of Foreign Affairs to urge him to take on board the explicit recommendations relevant to us. All countries which provided military assistance to Indonesia while it occupied East Timor, should apologise for failing to adequately uphold internationally agreed rights and freedoms. The report recommends that the UN Security Council help the Timorese Government to obtain reparations. New Zealand is also asked to join with Australia and Britain in a joint initiative to establish the truth about the 1975 deaths of 6 foreign journalists in East Timor including New Zealander Gary Cunningham.
Declassified documents from the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs were given to the Truth Commission and are cited there. These documents confirm that New Zealand officials knew very accurately about the Indonesian plans to invade and did nothing to blow the whistle. Subsequently New Zealand was an extremely valuable friend to Indonesia - supporting it at the United Nations, and playing down human rights abuses even when New Zealand citizens were killed in East Timor. New Zealand also trained the Indonesian military and Indonesian officers came here to learn how to fly Skyhawk attack jets and how to improve their counter-insurgency skills.
Australia and the United States both gave Indonesia the green light for the initial invasion and so their role is justifiably in the spotlight. However, New Zealand was also a partner in the crime and we owe a debt to one of the most poverty stricken nations in the world.
New Zealand should make a full and genuine apology to the people of East Timor and set an example to other guilty nations by offering reparations and insisting that the UN coordinate an immediate reparations programme. We must also offer a very belated apology to the family of Gary Cunningham and get to the truth about this pivotal episode.
For further information: Maire Leadbeater; 815-9000 or 0274-436-957
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January 18, 2006: Letter to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Winston Peters
The Hon Winston Peters
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Parliament Buildings
WELLINGTON
Dear Mr Peters
We are writing to you concerning the incident that took place in Timika, West Papua on Wednesday 11 January 2006, where Indonesian police arrested 12 people who had gone to meet with agents of the FBI to discuss the killing of two American teachers and their Indonesian colleague near the Freeport mine in West Papua in 2002. Four of those arrested were later released while the remaining eight have been taken to Jakarta against their will.
The names of those transported to Jakarta are: Anthonius Wamang aged 32 years;Pdt. Ishak Onawame aged 42 years; Hardi Tsugamol ages 29 years; Agustinus Anggaibak ages 14 years; Jairus Kibak aged 60 years; Esau Onawame aged 33years, Yulianus Deikme aged 20 years; and Yohanes Kasamol alias Joni aged 15 years.
Those arrested had voluntarily agreed to meet with the FBI who had promised them safe passage to the US. They had agreed to be interviewed in the US concerning the ambush at the Freeport mine in August 2002. However, when they arrived for the meeting at the Amole II Hotel in the town of Timika on Wednesday evening the agents shoved them into a container truck and delivered them to Indonesian police.
There are many unanswered questions about this case, and although Anthonius Wamang has admitted that he was involved in the ambush, he has also stated that he was involved with the military and had received ammunition from them. He also said he saw 3 men in Indonesian military uniform shooting at the convoy of cars carrying the teachers.
In media reports Anthonius Wamang has been referred to as an OPM (Free Papua) commander but this is not so. In an interview on Foreign Correspondent in Australia in 2004, Anthonius Wamang also denies that he was acting on orders from the Free Papua leadership and in fact it should be noted that the OPM are committed to a zone of peace in West Papua.
It is also needs to be noted that two of those arrested are aged 14 and 15 years. This would mean that they were only 11 and 12 at the time of the ambush.
We are concerned about the increase in tension that these arrests have created in West Papua. There have protests in Jayapura demanding that the eight be questioned there. The Indonesian military have been known to use such incidents to crack down on groups of protesters they term as separatists.
We are also about appalled about the behaviour of the FBI in their entrapment and handing over of these men to the Indonesian police
We urge you to use your good offices with the Indonesian government by asking that those arrested be returned home to avoid any further increase in tension and to urge that the Indonesian authorities guarantee that those arrested will not be subjected to torture or other human rights violations. Yours sincerely
Joan Macdonald
Secretary
Indonesian Human Rights Committee
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January 18, 2006: Letter to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Winston Peters
The Hon Winston PetersMinister of Foreign Affairs
Parliament Buildings
WELLINGTON
Dear Mr Peters
We are writing to you concerning the incident that took place in Timika, West Papua on Wednesday 11 January 2006, where Indonesian police arrested 12 people who had gone to meet with agents of the FBI to discuss the killing of two American teachers and their Indonesian colleague near the Freeport mine in West Papua in 2002. Four of those arrested were later released while the remaining eight have been taken to Jakarta against their will.
The names of those transported to Jakarta are: Anthonius Wamang aged 32 years;Pdt. Ishak Onawame aged 42 years; Hardi Tsugamol ages 29 years; Agustinus Anggaibak ages 14 years; Jairus Kibak aged 60 years; Esau Onawame aged 33years, Yulianus Deikme aged 20 years; and Yohanes Kasamol alias Joni aged 15 years.
Those arrested had voluntarily agreed to meet with the FBI who had promised them safe passage to the US. They had agreed to be interviewed in the US concerning the ambush at the Freeport mine in August 2002. However, when they arrived for the meeting at the Amole II Hotel in the town of Timika on Wednesday evening the agents shoved them into a container truck and delivered them to Indonesian police.
There are many unanswered questions about this case, and although Anthonius Wamang has admitted that he was involved in the ambush, he has also stated that he was involved with the military and had received ammunition from them. He also said he saw 3 men in Indonesian military uniform shooting at the convoy of cars carrying the teachers.
In media reports Anthonius Wamang has been referred to as an OPM (Free Papua) commander but this is not so. In an interview on Foreign Correspondent in Australia in 2004, Anthonius Wamang also denies that he was acting on orders from the Free Papua leadership and in fact it should be noted that the OPM are committed to a zone of peace in West Papua.
It is also needs to be noted that two of those arrested are aged 14 and 15 years. This would mean that they were only 11 and 12 at the time of the ambush.
We are concerned about the increase in tension that these arrests have created in West Papua. There have protests in Jayapura demanding that the eight be questioned there. The Indonesian military have been known to use such incidents to crack down on groups of protesters they term as separatists.
We are also about appalled about the behaviour of the FBI in their entrapment and handing over of these men to the Indonesian police
We urge you to use your good offices with the Indonesian government by asking that those arrested be returned home to avoid any further increase in tension and to urge that the Indonesian authorities guarantee that those arrested will not be subjected to torture or other human rights violations. Yours sincerely
Joan Macdonald
Secretary
Indonesian Human Rights Committee
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